Reality under Assad
It is widely perceived among Syrians that the Alawite community benefited from the Assad regime, largely because the Assad family traces its roots to an Alawite clan from Qardaha in the Latakia countryside. This perception was especially amplified during the later years of the Syrian revolution, as the regime deliberately employed strategies that deepened sectarian divisions. 

However, this is a complex and deeply nuanced issue that extends beyond the scope of this article. What is clear is that the resulting tensions have had a devastating impact—not only on the Alawite community but on all of Syria’s diverse religious and ethnic groups. 

While some Alawite families—particularly those with direct ties to the Assad family—did acquire immense influence, holding senior military and government roles, these individuals represented only a small segment of the otherwise impoverished Alawite community. They were typically based in Damascus, operating closely with other political and economic elites from various religious and ethnic backgrounds.

In reality, the vast majority of Alawite villages under the Assad regime remained economically marginalized, with local religious traditions heavily restricted. Independent community leadership was discouraged or outright suppressed, producing a fragile community that was often exploited and instrumentalized in ways that reinforced broader sectarian narratives.

History
The Alawites are an ethnoreligious group primarily concentrated in Syria’s coastal and western regions, the Hatay province of modern-day Turkey, parts of Lebanon, and the occupied Golan Heights. 

The origins of the Alawite faith trace back to Ibn Nusayr of Iraq, though it was not formally organized until the Shia Hamdanid Dynasty in northern Syria (944-1003 AD) by one of Ibn Nusayr’s followers known as Al-Khasibi. Al-Khasibi left his hometown in Iraq after facing accusations of Qarmatian ties and spending time in prison. 

He later settled in Aleppo under Hamdanid rule, gaining influence in the region with the support of the dynasty’s ruler, Sayf al-Dawla. From Aleppo, his teachings spread to highland villages in Homs and Hama, likely centuries before reaching the coastal mountains, which were still dominated by local non-Abrahamic beliefs and Christianity.

Alawism is believed to have reached the coastal mountains around the year 1032, when al-Khasibi’s grandson, Abu Sa’id Maymun al-Tabarani, moved to Latakia, which was under Byzantine control at the time. al-Tabarani is credited with key Alawite writings and the conversion of much of the local coastal population. 

For much of their history, the Alawites were regarded as heretics by both Sunni and Shia Muslims. Influential figures such as the legal jurist of the Hanbali school in the Mamluk Sultanate, Ibn Taymiyya, accused the Alawites of being “more heretical than the Jews and Christians.” These accusations, preserved in writing for centuries, helped fuel tensions between Alawites and Sunnis.

Following the Mamluk era, Alawites continued to face persecution and attempts to alter their belief system under Ottoman rule. In 1517, the “Massacre of the Telal” in Aleppo effectively erased Alawism from the city’s religious landscape. Surviving Alawites either fled to the mountainous villages of the Syrian coast or converted to Sunni Islam or Christianity. For much of their history, Alawites remained hidden in impoverished rural villages, with only a minority migrating to major cities. 
It’s important to note that the term “Alawite” was first used by the French during their mandate over Syria (1923-1946) as part of an effort to categorize the group alongside Shia Muslims—an association that oversimplifies their distinct identity and beliefs. Prior to that, Alawites referred to themselves as “Nusayris,” in reference to the teachings of Ibn Nusayr. However, in recent years, the term “Nusayri” has been used as a derogatory label by radical Islamists and is no longer used to describe the community.

Faith
Due to their history of marginalization, Alawite religious teachings are often kept private, with in-depth knowledge traditionally passed down to a select few within the community. Nonetheless, it is widely known that Alawite doctrine draws on a range of Abrahamic sources, primarily Islam and Christianity, while also incorporating elements of local coastal mythology, Gnosticism, and Trinitarianism. For instance, Jebel Aqra, located between the Sanjak of Alexandretta and Latakia, has long been considered the gateway to the gods in the ancient mythologies of the region. 

Today, this mountain is still considered sacred among Alawite communities due to its association with rain and fertility, qualities linked to Baal, the Canaanite storm god. In everyday language, the term “Baal” is often used to describe land and trees untouched by humans, sustained only by the cycles of rain and thunder. Alawites consider trees sacred due to this association, particularly those surrounding Alawite maqams. 

Many Alawites observe common Islamic practices such as fasting during Ramadan and celebrating the two major Eids. However, certain practices differ—alcohol is not prohibited, and Alawite women typically do not wear head coverings. In addition, the Alawite doctrine includes the central belief in reincarnation, practices such as Mass, and observances of various holy days, such as Saint Barbara, Ras-el Sene (the Old New Year) on January 14, the spring equinox in April, Akitu, and Christmas.

Following the annexation of the Sanjak of Alexandretta by Turkey in 1939, the Turkification of the Sanjak’s Alawites and the limited freedom of movement between Syria and Turkey resulted in a fragmented population despite familial and historic ties.

Alawites in the Sanjak of Alexandretta (present-day Hatay) were able to better preserve their cultural and religious heritage, while efforts at homogenization during the Assad era contributed to an ongoing identity struggle within the Syrian Alawite community. Nevertheless, Alawites along the Mediterranean region of historic Syria have retained certain religious and cultural traditions despite these attempts of homogenization. 

Role in the Revolution:  
Like other Syrians, many Alawites participated in and supported the initial calls for freedom. Notable figures include Abdul-Aziz al-Khair, who was forcibly disappeared twice—first from 1992 to 2005, and again in 2012, after which he was never seen again. Other prominent Alawite voices in the revolution include Fadwa Sulaiman, who led some of the first protests in Syria alongside al-Sarut and Basel Shehadeh. Others include Samar Yazbek, Jamal Sulaiman, and Monzer Makhous. 

Prominent Alawite Figures:
Alawites, like all Syrians, have contributed to Syria’s cultural and artistic heritage in many ways. Some of these influential figures include:
– Saadallah Wannous – Author and Playwright 
– Mamdouh Adwan – Poet and Playwright
– Badawi al-Jabal – Poet
– Salih al-Ali – led the Alawite revolt of 1919-1921 against the French Mandate. 
Saadallah Wannous – Author and Playwright
Mamdouh Adwan – Poet and Playwright
Badawi al-Jabal – Poet
Salih al-Ali – led the Alawite revolt of 1919-1921 against the French Mandate.
Adunis – Poet
Sulaiman al-Issa – Poet
Wafa Sultan – Medical Doctor and Writer
Farrah Yousef – Singer
Zulema Yoma – Former First Lady of Argentina (1989-1991)
Jamal Suliman – Actor and activist
Samar Yazbek – Writer and Journalist
Haidar Haidar – Writer and Novelist
Dima Wannous – Writer and Journalist
Ghassan Massoud – Actor
Taim Hasan – Actor
Maxim Khalil – Actor
Ahmad Al-Ahmad – Actor
Mohammad Al-Ahmad – Actor
Suzan Najm Al-Deen – Actress
Asaad Fidda – Actor
Fayez Kazak – Actor
Fadwa Suleiman – Actress and Activist
Tulay and Dina Haroun – Actresses